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Peroz I
5th century Sasanian Empire shah of Iran

Peroz I was the Sasanian King of Kings of Iran from 459 to 484, ascending after a struggle with his brother Hormizd III. His reign faced war, famine, and conflicts with the Hephthalites, who defeated him multiple times. Peroz quelled revolts in Armenia and Iberia, but was killed in his third war against the Hephthalites in 484. His death led to political turmoil, with his brother Balash succeeding him, and later his son Kavad I restoring order. Peroz also supported Nestorianism, which became the official doctrine of the Iranian church. His grandson Khosrow I eventually avenged him by destroying the Hephthalites with the First Turkic Khaganate.

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Name

"Peroz" is a Middle Persian name, meaning "victorious".1 It is attested in Parthian as Pērōž, whilst its New Persian form is Pīrūz (Arabicized form: Fīrūz).2 Peroz is transliterated in Greek as Perozes (Περόζης).3 The Georgian transliteration of the name, Pˊerozh/Pˊeroz, was introduced into Georgian twice; through its Middle Iranian form (Parthian/Middle Persian) and in the New Persian form.4 The Armenian transliteration, Peroz (Պերոզ), follows the exact same spelling as the Middle Persian original.5 The name Peroz had already been in use by members of the Sasanian family in the 3rd-century, namely by the Kushano-Sasanian ruler Peroz I Kushanshah.6

Rise to power

When Peroz's father Yazdegerd II (r. 438–457) died in 457, he had reportedly not designed a successor and instead—according to the medieval historian al-Tha'alibi—entrusted the task to the elite and the leading marzbans (margraves).7 Civil war soon followed; Yazdegerd II's eldest son Hormizd III declared himself king at the city of Ray in northern Iran, while Peroz fled to the northeastern part of the empire and began raising an army in order to claim the throne for himself.89 The brothers' mother, queen Denag, temporarily ruled as regent of the empire from its capital, Ctesiphon.10 According to eastern sources, Peroz was more worthy for the throne than Hormizd, who they refer to as "unfair".11 Only the anonymous source known as the Codex Sprenger 30 describes Hormizd as the "braver and better", while describing Peroz as "more learned in religion".12

Both brothers seemingly attempted to gain the support of the powers of the neighbouring eastern region of Tokharistan/Bactria in their struggle. The region was then controlled by the Kidarites, along with some of their local vassals, such as the Hephthalites.13 According to three contemporary letters in the Bactrian language (the language of Tokharistan), the local ruler of the city of Rob (between Kabul and Balkh) Kirdir-Warahran, is given the honorific titles of "glorious through Hormizd" and "true to Peroz", which seemingly indicates that he shifted his allegiance between the two brothers.14 According to the contemporary Armenian historians Elishe and Ghazar Parpetsi, Peroz was notably supported by the House of Mihran, one of the Seven Great Houses of Iran, while later Persian sources instead report that Peroz fled to the Hephthalites and enlisted their help.15

This version, however, has been called "legendary" and "somewhat fanciful" by modern historians.1617 The modern historians Parvaneh Pourshariati, Shapur Shahbazi and Michael Bonner prefer the Armenian version, with the latter suggesting that the Persian account may yield some authenticity, with Peroz enlisting Hephthalite aid through the Mihranids.181920 Elishe and Ghazar give two slightly different accounts of Peroz's struggle against Hormizd. According to the former, Peroz was aided by his Mihranid tutor Raham Mihran, who in 459 captured and executed Hormizd, and then crowned Peroz as shahanshah. The same account is given by Ghazar, with the exception that the Mihranid is named Ashtad Mihran, and was not the tutor, but rather foster father of Peroz.212223

Reign

Revolt in Caucasian Albania and famine

During the dynastic struggle between Peroz and Hormizd III, the Arsacid king of Caucasian Albania, Vache II (r. 440–462), took advantage of the tumultuous situation and declared independence.24 He allowed the Huns into the city of Derbent, and with their aid attacked the Iranian army. Peroz responded by allowing the Huns to pass through the Darial Gorge, and they subsequently ravaged Albania.25 The two kings negotiated an accord; Vache II would return his mother (Peroz's sister) and daughter to Peroz, while he would receive the 1,000 families he had originally been given by his father as his share of the inheritance. Vache II abdicated in 462,26 leaving Albania kingless until 485, when Vachagan III (r. 485–510) was installed on the throne by Peroz's brother and successor Balash (r. 484–488).27 Peroz also freed some of the Armenian aristocrats who had been jailed by his father in the aftermath of the Armenian uprising in 451.28 The previous year (461), Iran suffered from a severe drought, which caused a large-scale famine that would last until 467.293031

Relations with the Byzantine Empire

Early in Peroz's reign, tensions began to rise between Iran and Byzantium. In the mid-460s, the Byzantines discovered that their general Ardaburius had been secretly corresponding with the Iranian court, urging Peroz to attack the Byzantines, with the promise of military support and presumably also intelligence. Ardaburius's letters were intercepted and given to Byzantine emperor Leo I (r. 457–474), who had him removed from office and summoned to the capital, Constantinople.32 Ardaburius's fate is not known.33 Leo responded to the Iranian activity by reinforcing his borders with them, which included the fortification of Callinicum in Syria.34

Since the Byzantine–Iranian peace treaty of 387, both empires had agreed that they were obligated to cooperate in the defense of the Caucasus against nomadic attacks from the northern steppes.35 The Iranians took the major role in this, while the Byzantines contributed roughly 500 pounds (230 kg) of gold at irregular intervals.36 The Byzantines saw this payment as a contribution to their mutual defense, but the Iranians saw it as tribute which established Byzantium as a subordinate of Iran.37 Since the foundation of the Sasanian Empire, its rulers had demonstrated the sovereignty and power of their realm through collection of tribute, particularly from the Byzantines.38 Retaliating for Iran's plot with Ardaburius, Leo stopped the payments. Repeated negotiations failed to resolve the issue.39 The Byzantines also appealed for the return of the city of Nisibis, which had been ceded to Iran as part of a treaty in 363.4041 Tensions continued to increase until the accession of the Byzantine emperor Zeno (r. 474–491) in 474, who resumed payment to Iran and also ransomed Peroz from captivity by the Hephthalites.42 Regardless, war almost erupted in the early 480s, when some Tayy clients of the Sasanians made incursions into Byzantine territory due to suffering from a two-year drought. The Iranian general Qardag Nakoragan, who was stationed at the frontier, quickly pacificed the Tayy raiders and ensured peace with the Byzantines.4344

War with the Kidarites

Since the reign of Shapur II (r. 309–379), Iran had to deal with nomadic invaders in the east known as "Iranian Huns" and made up of Hephthalites, Kidarites, Chionites and Alkhans.45 They seized Tokharistan and Gandhara from Shapur II and his Kushano-Sasanian clients, and eventually Kabul from Shapur III (r. 383–388).4647 Archaeological, numismatic, and sigillographic evidence demonstrates that the Huns ruled a realm just as refined as that of the Sasanians. They swiftly adopted Iranian imperial symbolism and titulature, such as imitating Sasanian imperial coinage.48 The modern historian Richard Payne states: "Far from the destructive xyonan of the Iranian accounts or the marauding barbarians of the Roman historians, the Hun kingdoms of post-Iranian Central Asia were city-based, tax-raising, ideologically innovative states the kings of kings found themselves hard pressed to unseat."49 The loss of the Armenian cavalry contingent after the revolt of Armenia in 451 weakened Sasanian efforts to keep their eastern enemies in check.505152

The Sasanian efforts were disrupted in the early 5th century by the Kidarites, who forced Yazdegerd I (r. 399–420), Bahram V (r. 420–438), and/or Yazdegerd II to pay them tribute.5354 Although this did not trouble the Iranian treasury, it was nevertheless humiliating.55 Yazdegerd II eventually refused to pay tribute, which would later be used as a justification for the war that the Kidarites declared against Peroz in c. 464.5657 Peroz lacked enough manpower to fight, and therefore asked for financial aid from the Byzantine Empire, which declined.58 He then offered peace to the king of the Kidarites, Kunkhas, and offered his sister in marriage, but sent a woman of low status instead.59

After some time Kunkhas found about Peroz's deception, and in turn attempted to trick him, by requesting him to send military experts to strengthen his army.60 When a group of 300 military experts arrived at the court of Kunkhas at Balaam (possibly Balkh), they were either killed or disfigured and sent back to Iran, with the information that Kunkhas did this due to Peroz's false treaty.61 Around this time, Peroz allied himself with the Hephthalites and other Huns, such as Mehama, the ruler of Kadag in eastern Tokharistan.62 With their help, he finally vanquished the Kidarites in 466, and brought Tokharistan briefly under Sasanian control, issuing gold coins at Balkh.6364 The style of the gold coin was largely based on the Kidarite coins, and displayed Peroz wearing his second crown.6566 The legend of the coin displayed his name and title in Bactrian. The following year (467), an Iranian embassy journeyed to Constantinople, where the victory over the Kidarites was announced. An Iranian embassy sent to the Chinese Northern Wei dynasty in 468 may have done the same.67

The Kidarites continued to rule in Gandhara, and possibly Sogdia. They were eventually conquered by the Alkhans in Gandhara, and by the Hephthalites in Sogdia.68 According to Bactrian chronicles, Mehama was subsequently promoted to the position of "governor of the famous and prosperous king of kings Peroz".69 However, a power vacuum followed in Tokharistan, which allowed Mehama to gain autonomy, or possibly even independence.70

First and second war with the Hephthalites

Peroz's war with the Hephthalites is reported by at least two contemporary sources—the account of the Byzantine historian Procopius and the Syriac text of Pseudo-Joshua the Stylite. However, both sources are marred by errors and oversights. According to Pseudo-Joshua, Peroz fought three wars with the Hephthalites, but he only briefly mentions them. Procopius' report, although detailed, has only two wars.71 Additionally, Peroz's war with the Hephthalites is also reported by the Mandaic Book of Kings.72 Many modern historians agree that he fought the Hephthalites three times.737475

With the fall of the Kidarites, their former subjects–the Hephthalites, who were based in eastern Tokharistan–took advantage of the power vacuum, extending their rule over all of Tokharistan.76 Their capital was most likely near the city of Kunduz in eastern Tokharistan, which the medieval scholar al-Biruni calls War-Waliz.77 The Hephthalite king is often given the name of Akhshunwar, which according to the Iranologist Khodadad Rezakhani was probably a title used by the Hephthalite kings, similar to other contemporary Central Asian titles such as Ikhshid and Afshin.78 In order to halt the Hephthalite expansion, Peroz attacked them in 474, but was ambushed and captured near the border of Gurgan.7980 He was ransomed by Zeno, who helped him restore good relations between the Sasanians and the Hephthalites.81 According to Procopius, Akhshunwar demanded that Peroz prostrate before him in exchange for his release. Following the advice of his priests, Peroz met Akhshunwar at dawn and pretended to prostrate before him, while in reality he was doing it before the rising sun, i.e. Mithra, the sun god.828384

In the late 470s or early 480s, Peroz launched a second campaign, which ended in his defeat and capture once more; he offered to pay thirty mule packs of silver drachms in ransom, but could only pay twenty. Unable to raise the rest, he sent his youngest son, Kavad, to the Hephthalite court in 482 as a hostage until this balance was paid.85868788 Payne notes that "The sums involved were modest in comparison with late antique diplomatic subsidies or state revenues. But rumors of a caravan delivering tribute from the Iranian court to the Huns spread across the Iran and the Mediterranean worlds, as far as Sidonius Apollinaris in Gaul."89 After this, Akhshunwar minted coins of himself wearing a winged, triple-crescent crown, which was the third crown of Peroz, indicating that the Hephthalite king considered himself to be the legitimate ruler of Iran.9091 Peroz imposed a poll tax on his subjects to raise the ten mule packs of silver, and secured the release of Kavad before he mounted his third campaign.92

Revolts in Armenia and Iberia

Besides Caucasian Albania, the two other Iranian provinces in the Caucasus—Armenia and Iberia—were also dissatisfied with Zoroastrian Sasanian rule. In Armenia, Yazdegerd II's policy of integrating the Christian nobility into the bureaucracy by forcing them to convert to Zoroastrianism had resulted in a large-scale rebellion in 451, led by the Armenian military leader Vardan Mamikonian. Although the Sasanians defeated the rebels at the Battle of Avarayr, the impact of the rebellion was still felt, and tensions continued to grow.939495 Meanwhile, in Iberia, Peroz had favoured Varsken, the viceroy (bidaxsh) of the Armeno-Iberian frontier region of Gugark. A member of the Mihranids of Gugark, Varsken was born a Christian, but when he travelled to the Iranian court in 470, he converted to Zoroastrianism and shifted his allegiance from the Christian Iberian monarchy to the Sasanian Empire.9697 As a reward for his conversion, he was given the viceroyalty of Albania and a daughter of Peroz in marriage.98 Espousing his pro-Iranian position, he attempted to force his family to convert to Zoroastrianism, including his first wife Shushanik (a daughter of Vardan), whom he eventually killed, which made her a martyr.99100101 Varsken's policies were unacceptable to the Iberian king Vakhtang I (r. 447/49–502/22), who had him killed and then revolted against Iran in 482.102 Almost simultaneously, the Armenians rebelled under the leadership of Vahan Mamikonian, a nephew of Vardan.103

In the same year, the marzban of Armenia, Adhur Gushnasp was defeated and killed by Vahan's forces, who installed Sahak II Bagratuni as the new marzban.104105 Peroz sent an army under Zarmihr Hazarwuxt of the House of Karen to Armenia, while another army led by the Sasanian general Mihran, of the Mihranid family, was sent to Iberia.106 During the summer, an army led by Shapur Mihran, the son of Mihran, inflicted a defeat on a combined Armenian-Iberian army at Akesga, resulting in the death of Sahak II Bagratuni and Vahan's brother Vasak,107108 while Vakhtang fled to Byzantine-controlled Lazica.109 The role of Shapur Mihran in command of the army in Iberia implies that Peroz may have recalled his father, Mihran, to participate in his Hephthalite war.110

Vahan retreated with the rest of his forces to the mountains in Tayk, from where they engaged in guerrilla warfare.111 Shapur Mihran restored Sasanian rule in Armenia, but was summoned to the court in Ctesiphon, resulting in Vahan regaining control of over the Armenian capital of Dvin, where he fortified himself.112 In 483, Iranian reinforcements arrived under Zarmihr Hazarwuxt, who laid siege to Dvin. Heavily outnumbered, Vahan mounted a surprise attack on the Iranians, defeating them at the Battle of Nerseapate, near Maku.113 Vahan retreated to the mountains once more, close to the Byzantine border.114115 He hoped that the Iranians would not pursue and attack him there, in order to avoid risking a conflict with the Byzantines. However, after a night march, Zarmihr Hazarwuxt attacked the Armenian camp and managed to capture several princesses. Vahan and most of his men withdrew further into the mountains.116

An unexpected turn of events changed the tide of the war: Peroz's death in 484 during his war with the Hephthalites caused the Iranian army to withdraw from Armenia.117 Peroz's brother and successor, Balash, made peace with Vahan, and appointed him as hazarapet (minister) and later as marzban of Armenia.118 Peace was likewise made in Iberia, where Vakhtang was able to resume his rule.119

Third war with the Hephthalites and death

Against the counsel of the aristocracy and the clergy, Peroz prepared in Gurgan for a third campaign against the Hephthalites.120121122 Ghazar highlights the opposition amongst his men towards the campaign, stating that the Iranian forces were demoralised at the prospect of facing the Hepthalites to the point of near mutiny.123 Peroz left his brother Balash in charge of the empire,124 launching his Hephthalite campaign at the head of a large army in 484.125 When Akhshunwar learned of Peroz's campaign, he sent his deputy with the following message "You concluded peace with me in writing, under seal, and you promised not to make war against me. We defined common frontiers not to be crossed with hostile intent by either party."126

A tower erected as a boundary marker near the Oxus by Peroz's grandfather, Bahram V,127 was destroyed by Peroz.128 This event is reported by both Dinawari (d. 896) and al-Tabari (d. 923). The latter reported that Peroz had the tower tied to fifty elephants and three hundred men linked together and dragged it in front of his men, while he walked behind the tower, feigning not to have violated his grandfather's peace treaty.129 Akhshunwar, unwilling to face Peroz directly, had a large trench dug across the battleground, concealing it with shrubbery and loose wood, and positioning his forces behind it. Charging at Akhshunwar's forces, Peroz and his army fell into the trench, where they were killed. Their bodies were not recovered by the Iranians.130131 The Iranian dead included many distinguished aristocrats,132 including four of Peroz's sons or brothers.133 The site of the battle is uncertain; according to the modern historian Klaus Schippmann, it took place in present-day Afghanistan, possibly near Balkh.134

Pseudo-Joshua, who portrays Peroz in a hostile manner, proposed that Peroz may have been able to escape from the trench, but subsequently either died of hunger in a cleft in a mountain or was killed and eaten by wild animals in a forest.135

Aftermath

The main Sasanian cities of the eastern region of Khorasan−Nishapur, Herat and Marw were now under Hephthalite rule.136 Peroz's retinue, including his daughter Perozdukht and his priests, were captured by Akhshunwar.137 Perozdukht was married to Akhshunwar, and bore him a daughter, who would later marry Peroz's son Kavad I (r. 488–496, 498/9–531).138 Due to Peroz's defeat, a law was allegedly made that forbade pursuit of a withdrawing army.139 His wars against the Hephthalites have been described as "foolhardy" in both contemporary and modern historiography.140141 His defeat and death introduced a period of political, social and religious tumult.142 The empire reached its lowest ebb: the shahanshah was now a client of the Hephthalites and was compelled to pay tribute; while the nobility and clergy exerted great influence and authority over the nation, being able to act as king-makers.143 According to Payne, "No other event in the history of the Sasanian dynasty so clearly vitiated the pretensions of [the Iranian Empire], and contemporaries were aghast at the foolhardiness of the king of kings."144 Taking advantage of the weakened Sasanian authority in the east, the Nezak Huns seized the region of Zabulistan.145 Peroz was the last shahanshah to mint unique gold coins in the Indian region of Sindh, which indicates that the region was lost around the same period.146

The Iranian magnate Sukhra quickly raised a new army and prevented the Hephthalites from achieving further success.147 A member of the House of Karen, Sukhra's family claimed descent from the mythological heroes Karen and Tus, who had saved Iran after its king Nowzar had been killed by the Turanian Afrasiab, which Payne calls "in circumstances too similar to those of Peroz's death for the resemblance to be coincidental."148 According to the Iranologist Ehsan Yarshater, some of the Iranian–Turanian battles that are described in the medieval Persian epic Shahnameh ('The Book of Kings') were seemingly based on the Hephthalite wars of Peroz and his successors.149 Peroz's brother, Balash, was elected as shahanshah by the Iranian magnates, most notably Sukhra and Shapur Mihran.150 Order was restored under Kavad I, who reformed the empire and defeated the Hephthalites, reconquering Khorasan.151 Peroz was avenged by his grandson Khosrow I (r. 531–579), who in collaboration with the First Turkic Khaganate destroyed the Hephthalites in 560.152

Since Bahram I (r. 271–274), the Sasanian monarchs had primarily resided in Gundeshapur in southern Iran, due to its convenient position between the Iranian plateau and the Mesopotamian plain. Due to the increasing importance of the Tigris-Euphrates floodplains, the main residence of the shahanshah was moved to Ctesiphon after Peroz.153

Religious policy

Peroz, like all other Sasanian rulers, was an adherent of Zoroastrianism.154 According to al-Tabari, Peroz "displayed just rule and praiseworthy conduct, and showed piety," which according to Schippmann, indicates that he was most likely amenable to the demands of the Zoroastrian clergy.155156 Under Peroz, the Zoroastrian sect of Zurvanism was seemingly rejected, although he retained the staunch Zurvanite Mihr-Narseh as his minister (wuzurg framadar).157 Under Peroz, the Iranian calendar was reformed; the New Year (Nowruz) and the epagomenal from the month Frawardin were moved to the month Adur.158

Unlike his father, Peroz did not attempt to convert the Caucasian Albanians and Armenians to Zoroastrianism.159 Nevertheless, persecutions of Christians and Jews were reported to have occurred during Peroz's reign.160 While Jewish accounts claim Iranian fanaticism as the reason behind the persecutions, Iranian accounts accuse the Jews of abusing the Zoroastrian priests. The modern historian Jacob Neusner suggested that there may be some truth in the Iranian accounts, and that the Jews may had done it due to anticipating the coming of the Messiah, who was to arrive 400 years after the destruction of the Second Temple (dated by the rabbis in 68 AD, thus in 468). He further adds that the Jews may have expected the country to become Jewish now with the coming of the Messiah.161 According to the modern historian Eberhard Sauer, Sasanian monarchs only persecuted other religions when it was in their urgent political interests to do so.162

Peroz supported the new Christian sect of Nestorianism as the official doctrine of the Iranian Christian church. In 484, shortly before Peroz's death, a council took place in Gundeshapur, where Nestorianism was announced as the official doctrine of the church.163

Building projects

Peroz was notable for founding many cities. According to The History of the Country of Albania, Peroz ordered his vassal the Caucasian Albanian king Vache II to have the city of Perozapat ("the city of Peroz" or "Prosperous Peroz") built. However, this is unlikely as the Kingdom of Caucasian Albania had been abolished by Peroz after a suppressing a revolt by Vache II in the mid-460s.164 The city was seemingly founded by Peroz himself after the removal of the ruling family in Caucasian Albania. Due to its more secure location, it was made the new residence of the Iranian marzbans.165 Peroz also founded Shahram Peroz (Ardabil) in Adurbadagan; Ram Peroz near Ray; and Rowshan Peroz between Gurgan and Derbent.166167

The basilica of Bolnisi Sioni in Iberia is a testimony of the growing Sasanian influence there. It was constructed in 478/479 in the southern part of the country, which had fallen under the local control of the Mihranids of Gugark.168169 The iconography of the basilica showed Iranian characteristics, while its inscription, written in Old Georgian, mentions Peroz:170

[With the help of the H]oly Trinity, the foundation of this holy church was laid in the twentieth [y]ear of [the reign of] King Pero[z] and was completed fifteen years [later]. God will have mercy on whoever worships here. And God will also have me[r]cy on whoever will pray for Bishop Davit‛, the builder of this holy church. [Amen.]

Although the basilica was not commissioned by Peroz, the builders of Bolnisi Sioni might have been inspired by the royal constructions of the Sasanians.171

Peroz's reign marks the latest possible date for the completion of the Great Wall of Gorgan, whose construction had started in the late 4th-century.172 Additional fortifications were later made to the wall, possibly as late as the reigns of Kavad I and Khosrow I.173 The wall, stretching from the Caspian coast to Pishkamar, was the largest of its time, and the biggest Iranian investment in military infrastructure in the late antique and medieval periods.174

Coinage and imperial ideology

On Peroz's coinage the traditional Sasanian titulature of shahanshah ("King of Kings") is omitted, and only the two aspects of kay Pērōz ("King Peroz") are displayed.175 One of Peroz's seals demonstrates that the traditional titulature was still used, which indicates that coins do not with certainty display the full formal titulature of the Sasanian monarchs.176 The use of the mythological Kayanian title of kay, first used by Peroz's father Yazdegerd II, was due to a shift in the political perspective of the Sasanian Empire. Originally disposed towards the west, this now changed to the east.177 This shift, which had already started under Yazdegerd I and Bahram V, reached its zenith under Peroz I and his father.178 It may have been triggered by the aggression of the tribes on the eastern frontier.179 The war against the Hunnic tribes may have awakened the mythical rivalry existing between the Iranian Kayanian rulers and their Turanian enemies, which is demonstrated in the Younger Avesta.180

This conflict between Iran and its eastern enemies may have resulted in the adoption of the title of kay, used by the Iranian mythical kings in their war against the Turanians in the east.181 It is probable that it was during this period that legendary and epic texts were collected by the Sasanians, including the legend of the Iranian hero-king Fereydun (Frēdōn in Middle Persian), who divided his kingdom between his three sons: his eldest son Salm received the empire of the west, Rome; the second eldest Tur received the empire of the east, Turan; and the youngest, Iraj, received the heartland of the empire, Iran.182 Influenced by these tales of the Kayanians, the Sasanians may have believed themselves to be the heirs of the Fereydun and Iraj, and so possibly considered both the Byzantine domains in west and the eastern domains of the Hephthalites as belonging to Iran.183 The Sasanians may therefore have been symbolically asserting their rights over these lands by assuming the title of kay.184

Peroz depicted himself with three different crowns on his coins. The first consists of a diadem, a crown with crenellations in the middle, and the korymbos, with a moon crescent at the front. The second crown is similar to the first, with the exception that crenellations have been extended to the back of the cap. On the third crown, two wings are added, which is a reference to Verethragna, the god of victory.185 Peroz and Shapur II (r. 309–379) were the only two Sasanian monarchs to regularly mint gold coins. The Austrian historian and numismatist Nikolaus Schindel has suggested that gold coins were generally not used in daily lives, but instead used as a form of donation given to high-ranking Iranian magnates by the shahanshah, seemingly during festivities.186

In Persian literature

Peroz is included in a legendary romantic story narrated by the 13th-century Iranian historian Ibn Isfandiyar. The story begins with Peroz dreaming about a beautiful woman whom he falls in love with. Peroz then sends one of his relatives who is also a close friend, Mihrfiruz from the Mihran family, to find her.187 Mihrfiruz finds the woman and discovers her to be the daughter of the Mihranid general Ashtad Mihran. Peroz marries her and, at her request, lays the foundations of the city of Amol in Tabaristan.188

Family tree

Legend
Orange
King of Kings
Bahram V189(r. 420–438)
Yazdegerd II190(r. 438–457)
Hormizd III191(r. 457–459)Peroz I192(457–484)Balash193(r. 484–488)Zarer194(d. 485)
Balendukht195
Kavad I196(r. 488–496, 498/9–531)Jamasp197(r. 496–498/9)Perozdukht198Sambice199

Notes

Bibliography

Further reading

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Ancient works

Modern works

References

  1. Rezakhani 2017, p. 78. - Rezakhani, Khodadad (2017). ReOrienting the Sasanians: East Iran in Late Antiquity. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-1-4744-0029-9. JSTOR 10.3366/j.ctt1g04zr8. https://books.google.com/books?id=bjRWDwAAQBAJ ↩

  2. Chkeidze 2001, pp. 486–490. - Chkeidze, Thea (2001). "Georgia v. Linguistic Contacts with Iranian Languages". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. X/5: Geography IV–Germany VI. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul. pp. 486–490. ISBN 978-0-933273-53-5. https://iranicaonline.org/articles/georgia-v- ↩

  3. Martindale 1980, p. 860. - Martindale, John R., ed. (1980). The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire: Volume II, AD 395–527. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-20159-4. https://archive.org/details/prosopography-later-roman-empire/PLRE-II/ ↩

  4. Chkeidze 2001, pp. 486–490. - Chkeidze, Thea (2001). "Georgia v. Linguistic Contacts with Iranian Languages". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. X/5: Geography IV–Germany VI. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul. pp. 486–490. ISBN 978-0-933273-53-5. https://iranicaonline.org/articles/georgia-v- ↩

  5. Schmitt & Bailey 1986, pp. 445–465. - Schmitt, R.; Bailey, H. W. (1986). "ARMENIA AND IRAN iv. Iranian influences in Armenian Language". Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. II, Fasc. 4–5. pp. 445–465. https://iranicaonline.org/articles/armenia-iv ↩

  6. Rezakhani 2017, p. 78. - Rezakhani, Khodadad (2017). ReOrienting the Sasanians: East Iran in Late Antiquity. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-1-4744-0029-9. JSTOR 10.3366/j.ctt1g04zr8. https://books.google.com/books?id=bjRWDwAAQBAJ ↩

  7. Pourshariati 2008, p. 70. - Pourshariati, Parvaneh (2008). Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire: The Sasanian-Parthian Confederacy and the Arab Conquest of Iran. London and New York: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-84511-645-3. https://books.google.com/books?id=I-xtAAAAMAAJ ↩

  8. Kia 2016, p. 248. - Kia, Mehrdad (2016). The Persian Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia [2 volumes]: A Historical Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-61069-391-2. https://books.google.com/books?id=B5BHDAAAQBAJ&q=sasanians+rhodes ↩

  9. Pourshariati 2008, p. 71. - Pourshariati, Parvaneh (2008). Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire: The Sasanian-Parthian Confederacy and the Arab Conquest of Iran. London and New York: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-84511-645-3. https://books.google.com/books?id=I-xtAAAAMAAJ ↩

  10. Kia 2016, p. 248. - Kia, Mehrdad (2016). The Persian Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia [2 volumes]: A Historical Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-61069-391-2. https://books.google.com/books?id=B5BHDAAAQBAJ&q=sasanians+rhodes ↩

  11. Shahbazi 2004, pp. 465–466. - Shahbazi, A. Shapur (2004). "Hormozd III". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. XII/5: Homosexuality III–Human migration II. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul. pp. 465–466. ISBN 978-0-933273-79-5. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/hormozd-iii ↩

  12. Shahbazi 2004, pp. 465–466. - Shahbazi, A. Shapur (2004). "Hormozd III". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. XII/5: Homosexuality III–Human migration II. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul. pp. 465–466. ISBN 978-0-933273-79-5. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/hormozd-iii ↩

  13. Rezakhani 2017, p. 121. - Rezakhani, Khodadad (2017). ReOrienting the Sasanians: East Iran in Late Antiquity. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-1-4744-0029-9. JSTOR 10.3366/j.ctt1g04zr8. https://books.google.com/books?id=bjRWDwAAQBAJ ↩

  14. Bonner 2020, p. 124. - Bonner, Michael (2020). The Last Empire of Iran. New York: Gorgias Press. doi:10.31826/9781463240516. ISBN 978-1-4632-0616-1. S2CID 219805346. https://doi.org/10.31826%2F9781463240516 ↩

  15. Bonner 2020, pp. 124–125. - Bonner, Michael (2020). The Last Empire of Iran. New York: Gorgias Press. doi:10.31826/9781463240516. ISBN 978-1-4632-0616-1. S2CID 219805346. https://doi.org/10.31826%2F9781463240516 ↩

  16. Shahbazi 2004, pp. 465–466. - Shahbazi, A. Shapur (2004). "Hormozd III". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. XII/5: Homosexuality III–Human migration II. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul. pp. 465–466. ISBN 978-0-933273-79-5. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/hormozd-iii ↩

  17. Bonner 2020, pp. 124–125. - Bonner, Michael (2020). The Last Empire of Iran. New York: Gorgias Press. doi:10.31826/9781463240516. ISBN 978-1-4632-0616-1. S2CID 219805346. https://doi.org/10.31826%2F9781463240516 ↩

  18. Pourshariati 2008, p. 71. - Pourshariati, Parvaneh (2008). Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire: The Sasanian-Parthian Confederacy and the Arab Conquest of Iran. London and New York: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-84511-645-3. https://books.google.com/books?id=I-xtAAAAMAAJ ↩

  19. Shahbazi 2004, pp. 465–466. - Shahbazi, A. Shapur (2004). "Hormozd III". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. XII/5: Homosexuality III–Human migration II. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul. pp. 465–466. ISBN 978-0-933273-79-5. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/hormozd-iii ↩

  20. Bonner 2020, pp. 124–125. - Bonner, Michael (2020). The Last Empire of Iran. New York: Gorgias Press. doi:10.31826/9781463240516. ISBN 978-1-4632-0616-1. S2CID 219805346. https://doi.org/10.31826%2F9781463240516 ↩

  21. Shahbazi 2004, pp. 465–466. - Shahbazi, A. Shapur (2004). "Hormozd III". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. XII/5: Homosexuality III–Human migration II. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul. pp. 465–466. ISBN 978-0-933273-79-5. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/hormozd-iii ↩

  22. Bonner 2020, p. 124. - Bonner, Michael (2020). The Last Empire of Iran. New York: Gorgias Press. doi:10.31826/9781463240516. ISBN 978-1-4632-0616-1. S2CID 219805346. https://doi.org/10.31826%2F9781463240516 ↩

  23. According to some sources, Hormizd III was pardoned and spared by his brother; this is most likely a legend and is contradicted by other sources.[8] ↩

  24. Schippmann 1999, pp. 631–632. - Schippmann, Klaus (1999). "Fīrūz". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. IX/6: Festivals VIII–Fish. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul. pp. 631–632. ISBN 978-0-933273-34-4. https://iranicaonline.org/articles/firuz-1 ↩

  25. Chaumont 1985, pp. 806–810. - Chaumont, M. L. (1985). "Albania". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. I/8: Alafrank–Alp Arslan. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul. pp. 806–810. ISBN 978-0-71009-097-3. https://iranicaonline.org/articles/albania-iranian-aran-arm ↩

  26. Gadjiev 2020, p. 33. - Gadjiev, Murtazali (2020). "The Chronology of the Arsacid Albanians". From Albania to Arrān. Gorgias Press. pp. 29–35. doi:10.31826/9781463239893-006. ISBN 978-1-4632-3988-6. S2CID 234391712. https://www.academia.edu/43005774 ↩

  27. Chaumont 1985, pp. 806–810. - Chaumont, M. L. (1985). "Albania". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. I/8: Alafrank–Alp Arslan. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul. pp. 806–810. ISBN 978-0-71009-097-3. https://iranicaonline.org/articles/albania-iranian-aran-arm ↩

  28. Frye 1983, p. 147. - Frye, Richard N. (1983). "The Political History of Iran under the Sasanians". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. 3(1): The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian Periods. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-20092-X. https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521200929.006 ↩

  29. Frye 1983, p. 147. - Frye, Richard N. (1983). "The Political History of Iran under the Sasanians". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. 3(1): The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian Periods. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-20092-X. https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521200929.006 ↩

  30. Curtis 1999, p. 305. - Curtis, Vesta Sarkhosh (1999). "Some observations on coins of Peroz and Kavad I". In Alram, Michael; Klimburg-Salter, Deborah E. (eds.). Coins, Art, and Chronology: Essays on the pre-Islamic history of the Indo-Iranian borderlands (1 ed.). Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. pp. 303–313. https://www.academia.edu/6187749 ↩

  31. Bosworth 1999, p. 112. - Bosworth, C. E., ed. (1999). The History of al-Ṭabarī, Volume V: The Sāsānids, the Byzantines, the Lakhmids, and Yemen. SUNY Series in Near Eastern Studies. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press. ISBN 978-0-7914-4355-2. https://books.google.com/books?id=SdrtpZQphYUC ↩

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  33. Bonner 2020, pp. 126–127. - Bonner, Michael (2020). The Last Empire of Iran. New York: Gorgias Press. doi:10.31826/9781463240516. ISBN 978-1-4632-0616-1. S2CID 219805346. https://doi.org/10.31826%2F9781463240516 ↩

  34. Bonner 2020, p. 127. - Bonner, Michael (2020). The Last Empire of Iran. New York: Gorgias Press. doi:10.31826/9781463240516. ISBN 978-1-4632-0616-1. S2CID 219805346. https://doi.org/10.31826%2F9781463240516 ↩

  35. Shayegan 2013, p. 809. - Shayegan, M. Rahim (2013). "Sasanian Political Ideology". In Potts, Daniel T. (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199733309.013.0043. ISBN 978-0-19-973330-9. https://doi.org/10.1093%2Foxfordhb%2F9780199733309.013.0043 ↩

  36. Payne 2015b, pp. 296–298. - Payne, Richard (2015b). "The Reinvention of Iran: The Sasanian Empire and the Huns". In Maas, Michael (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Attila. Cambridge University Press. pp. 282–299. ISBN 978-1-107-63388-9. ↩

  37. Payne 2015b, p. 298. - Payne, Richard (2015b). "The Reinvention of Iran: The Sasanian Empire and the Huns". In Maas, Michael (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Attila. Cambridge University Press. pp. 282–299. ISBN 978-1-107-63388-9. ↩

  38. Payne 2016, p. 18. - Payne, Richard (2016). "The Making of Turan: The Fall and Transformation of the Iranian East in Late Antiquity". Journal of Late Antiquity. 9. Johns Hopkins University Press: 4–41. doi:10.1353/jla.2016.0011. S2CID 156673274. https://doi.org/10.1353%2Fjla.2016.0011 ↩

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  41. Daryaee 2014, p. 18. - Daryaee, Touraj (2014). Sasanian Persia: The Rise and Fall of an Empire. I.B.Tauris. ISBN 978-0-85771-666-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=LU0BAwAAQBAJ ↩

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  43. Bonner 2020, p. 128. - Bonner, Michael (2020). The Last Empire of Iran. New York: Gorgias Press. doi:10.31826/9781463240516. ISBN 978-1-4632-0616-1. S2CID 219805346. https://doi.org/10.31826%2F9781463240516 ↩

  44. Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. 49. - Greatrex, Geoffrey; Lieu, Samuel N. C. (2002). "Justinian's First Persian War and the Eternal Peace". The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars (Part II, 363–630 AD). New York, New York and London, United Kingdom: Routledge. pp. 82–97. ISBN 978-0-415-14687-6. https://books.google.com/books?id=zoZIxpQ8A2IC ↩

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  48. Payne 2015b, p. 285. - Payne, Richard (2015b). "The Reinvention of Iran: The Sasanian Empire and the Huns". In Maas, Michael (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Attila. Cambridge University Press. pp. 282–299. ISBN 978-1-107-63388-9. ↩

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  50. McDonough 2011, p. 305. - McDonough, Scott (2011). "The Legs of the Throne: Kings, Elites, and Subjects in Sasanian Iran". In Arnason, Johann P.; Raaflaub, Kurt A. (eds.). The Roman Empire in Context: Historical and Comparative Perspectives. John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. pp. 290–321. doi:10.1002/9781444390186.ch13. ISBN 978-0-470-65557-3. https://doi.org/10.1002%2F9781444390186.ch13 ↩

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  52. Armenian soldiers served the Sasanians again in the 6th and 7th-centuries.[34] ↩

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